Tuesday, August 6, 2019

The Guy Code Essay Example for Free

The Guy Code Essay To be a man in many cultures to this day still means the same as it did years ago, it has not changed much due to men still wanting the power, respect, and holding on to that image of being better than the other man. It all begins when the young boy is taught to be a man and is no longer able to cry or show emotion. He then will be interested in wanting to be better and stronger than his fellow classmates. This turns into having the pressure not only from your father but from society in general to prove your masculinity. In some cases just to prove one the young men result in different kinds of acts of violence if not to them self’s then towards others. All in all some resort to other measures as to hold the act of silence just to fit in and feel they are holding on to what is said to be the guy code. Whatever it may be growing up in todays society being a man is not as simple as I assumed it once to be. I do believe there is a strong feeling of competing between most men, ranging from playing the best sports, having the most muscles, better jobs, nicer cars, etc. You would think it would be most likely to impress the ladies but I’m afraid it is more of trying to impress other males. Proving ones masculinity is rather quite interesting, being a woman I always saw these things happening I just never really looked into it till now. As we begin to ask ourselves where this battle begins in a young boys life that he is shown to start to act like a man, psychologist like William Pollack argue that from an early age boys are taught to refrain from crying to suppress their emotions, never to display vulnerability. With that being said when a boy is 4 or 5 he is still attached very much so to his mother which it completely normal, knowing that it is ok to cry when he gets a scrape or a cut to show emotion during a storm. It is when the child is around 9 years of age that he begins to hear those dreadful words â€Å"Be a man† that usually come from the mouths of the father/ father figure in the young boys life and his angle of seeing things takes a turn. He then is confronted with other boys in school, the teasing and the act of fitting in begins to take a major role in the boy’s life, it pushes the young boy to want to be tougher or cooler than the other boys in his school. It turns into somewhat of a ri sk as to what choice the young boy will take to begin to prove his manliness. We should not be shocked as to hear where most of these boys get these ideas from, most will get it from there fathers, others from coaches, teachers, uncles, etc. Maybe when they hear things coming from their fathers it seems to have a deeper effect on these young boys, trying to prove himself to the eyes of his father and make him proud of his little boy. The tougher and stronger you are the better you will be in life is how most males think in different cultures. As to coaches or P.E teachers putting ideas into the kid’s heads, push harder, throw further, swing faster! Giving them the impression that the tougher you are the more of a man you are, some coaches have gone as to extremes to call the boys wimps, sissys, feeling forced to take the hits and not showing emotion, just because that’s what men do. So they try harder to be better to prove them self’s to these older, influential men in their lives. There will always follow the pressure of a guy proving to himself as well as to his peers how much of a man he is. No guy wants to be called gay or any other word that will affect his masculinity obviously when he is trying to prove how much of a man he is. So they make sure they wear the right clothes, play the right sports, talk enough, and listen only when necessary. Basically anything that has to do with showing to much emotion goes out the window. If you ask a teenage boy what is the common put down he would most likely say the answer is that is so gay Not necessarily does this mean homosexuality but by being called gay is being used as a kind of way to say you are not masculine enough. In the article it mentions that most men despite them proving there masculinity to impress a woman they strive to out show themselves in front of other men more. It’s like they want to have each other’s approval more than anything. Some guys take proving there masculinity very serious and when they feel the respect or taunting of their masculinity is at risk they turn to desperate measures that most times involve an act of violence. Regardless if it may be towards the person challenging their manhood or towards themselves, in some young men being bullied about their sexuality sometimes results in them taking their own lives. I’ve herd of young boys having had enough with the teasing and bullying and decide to take their lives just to not go another day with other boys teasing them. When in other situations some men feel they need to prove just how powerful they are and seek a fight, while others watch just to show everyone just how strong they are resulting in them getting respect. This act of violence you will mostly see in thugs or gangsters. Others preform horrible acts of sexual violence among fellow members of a group, team or fraternity; this is what is called hazing the new members. At times takin g things too far and the frat guys end up hurting or even sending them to the hospital with savvier injuries. There is far worse scenario when these college guys preform sexual acts toward woman and others watch but go by the act of silence and not report the crimes and are lead to believe that they are men and shall not tell on one another. If one as parent raised their young boy different maybe things would be easier on him. One would think but in today’s society what is taught at home will only do so much before the young boy is exposed to the reality of how men are in this world. I could go on and on to my son about how he can be his own man and express himself in the manner he chooses to, but once he steps out the door he will be confronted with other kids and that is when the urge to want to be better the only way he will be taught through these boys. So instead maybe one as a parent kind of ends up having no choice but to start at home and hope that what we teach our boys will guide them to be a good man with good standards. In conclusion proving you are a man in today’s society seems to be very stress full and at times might take a toll on a few of these young boy’s. Maybe it is wrong how society is and the pressure these young boys face. It has been this way for many years and I highly doubt the presumption of what it takes to be a man will change any time soon. It was interesting to learn how the minds of guys think. The power, respect, and pride in these men just to follow the so called â€Å"guy code† is very amazing but just how far will these boys and men go to prove there masculinity? Leaves me to think how my son’s will be and grow up to become after having had lived through school, college and work experiences.

Monday, August 5, 2019

Effects of Global Unsecuralization

Effects of Global Unsecuralization Introduction Since the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of 20th century globalization, complex and diverse religio-political movements have resurfaced around the world with the explicit goal of re-establishing religion’s role in the public sphere. These religious movements have gained considerable influence and power, both domestically and internationally, which has been used to advance their political goals within their respective countries. In many ways, the rise of religio-political movements can be seen as a negative reaction to strong modernization pressures that have supported the creation of a market-driven culture, free-market economy and democratic government around the world. Modernization not only has failed to deliver on its promises in a highly unbalanced global economy but supports a growing widening gap between the North and the Global South. As local cultural and traditional institutions continue to erode around the world, a great number of people have opted for consu merism as a response to the insecurity of collapsed boundaries. Others have chosen to follow religious fundamentalism or religious revivalism to protect their religious traditions from secular movements and outside forces. According to Weigel, the global proliferation of religio-political movements constitute the unsecularization of the world. The following essay will examine the meaning and significance of his claim and then proceed to explain why this constitutes a problematic development for international security and stability. I shall argue that the proliferation of unsecular movements is highly problematic because most of these movements base their actions and policies on religious scriptures which have little explanatory force and may be reinforced against people’s will. This in turn might be used to violate important principles of freedom, equality, and liberty which are the core of democratic institutions, global interconnectedness, and relative peace. Understanding the unsecularization of the world According to Weigel, the present revitalization of religious movements around the globe constitutes the â€Å"unsecularization of the world†. This expression does not imply that the respiritualization of the world is apolitical. On the contrary, unsecularism represents a new and widespread interaction between religion and politics. The nature and extent of this interaction between religion and politics is worth analyzing because it can have major domestic and international effects. Since the 1990s, it has become increasingly difficult to find a single country where religion does not have a prominent place in the political agenda of the state, even in countries that have long experienced secular principles and practices. It is important to note that secularism is a practice in which state and religious institutions are separated from one another. Secularism has western roots and has been one of the founding principles of the United States, one of the world’s most religio us countries. Secularism was adopted in order to reduce the role of religion in politics, which until the 16th century had provided the main motor for international conflicts and the main threat to international security and peace. It must be noted that although religion has had major political consequences in the past, modern religio-political movements have evolved as many of them have adopted more pro-active approaches to fight secularism. On September 11, 1991, American President George Bush Senior, spoke confidently about the birth of a new world order characterized by the values of democracy and freedom. However, this optimism proved short-sighted as the Gulf-War changed the West’s plans on the Post-Cold War global order and quickly identified Islamic radicalism as the most significant threat to Western security. The re-emergence of religion in world politics can be traced to Iran’s Islamic Revolution in 1979 which contradicted the belief that societies would secularize as they modernize. Third world countries were expected to emulate the path taken by Europe and North America to achieve economic prosperity and reduce the role of religion in public affairs. However, these views proved erroneous as evidence demonstrates that not all societies that modernize tend to secularize. What is also surprising is that as states developed and pursued modernization, faith in secular ideologies declined, leaving man y people with a sense of internal loss. Another important concept to define is modernization because religio-political movements appear to be in opposition with it. Modernization has strong links with urbanization, industrialization, and the elimination of irrational views associated with ethnicity and religion. It suggests that loss of religious faith and secularization combined with technological development and application of science can overcome most of society’s problems. By the end of the 1990s, a global wave of politically oriented religious movements had spawned; which had serious social, political, and economic implications for the stability of the global community. To complicate things further, these groups active political involvement attracted not only the poor and marginalized members of society but also people with extensive education and high social status that have proven very useful to the overall growth of their movements. However, we must note that there ar e significant differences among religio-political groups, especially when it comes to the methods employed to achieve their goals. The Negative Effects of the Unsecularization in the World The unsecularization of the world constitutes a problematic development because western policy-makers have chosen to ignore major differences among various religio-political movements and have supported regimes that employ hostile and violent tactics against them. It is crucial, we mark an important distinction between religious fundamentalism and religious revivalism, both of which are responses to the failed promises of globalization. According to Heelas, religious fundamentalism is a â€Å"distinctively modern twentieth-century movement with historical antecedents† (159). The term has been constantly employed since the 1970s to describe numerous and diverse religio-political movements around the globe. However, it is important to note that the term was first used by conservative Christians in the US when they claimed that they wanted to return to the fundamentals of their religion. Presently, the term has become generic and is used by both popular and academic circles to de scribe a multitude of groups form various religious traditions. Religious fundamentalism focuses on the doctrines located within the nexus of moral and social concerns centered on state-society relations. They believe they are under attack from modernization and secularization as well as intruding alien ethics. Often, this develops into a broad socio-political offensive to try to redress the situation by targeting particular political figures. Most of their ideology is narrowed to few principles based on core religious texts such as the Bible, the Quran, or the Torah to define what God wants and how to answer to modern societal challenges. On the other hand, religious revivalism is a movement that wishes to renew and strengthen the community from within. It does not seek confrontation with others and assumes that all religious traditions are important to preserve within their own communities. The distinction between these two approaches is clear and must be understood by western pol icy-makers that have until now confused the two into a single movement which has increased tension and hostility. Unsecular movements also represent a problematic development domestically for multi-ethnic states that have diverse religious populations because they seek to impose certain religious practices publicly over others. Where secularism allows for the tolerant practice of multiple religious practices privately, extreme unsecularism seeks a return to complete uniformity of religious traditional practices. Multiple modern states are struggling to cope with the despair felt by certain religious groups over secularism. Often times, these groups use the public’s sense of insecurity and dissatisfaction to attack local secular leaders by proclaiming immoral governments as the cause of society’s problems. Many claim that secularism is not a native notion to their land and use the negative colonial legacy to disenfranchise what they consider to be the imposition of western values. In addition, these groups have a tendency to see politics in religious ways. By claiming that political difficulties have religious roots, they also assume that they have religious solutions. This often leads to the forceful adoption of religious solutions that are often found in religious texts, and contain outdated practices. This forceful imposition of religious practices is problematic even within members of the same religious community as some of them seek a more moderate approach to their religious beliefs while others wish to go back to purest form of religious practices. Dr. Goldstein in Israel demonstrates clearly this internal tension, as he claimed â€Å"miracles do not happen, they are made†. This remark was made to highlight the importance of reasserting Israeli control of biblical lands for the sake of religious prophecy, a topic which continues to internally divide Israeli society. The unsecularism of the world also poses a major threat to the stability and order of the international order because it tends to encourage the satanization of political enemies which might be used to justify violent actions to achieve â€Å"moral† ends. Fundamentalist religious groups embracing millenarian traditions pose a significant threat because they believe in the need to provoke a religious apocalypse to usher a new age of peace for humanity. Although they claim their ultimate goal is peace, many of them promote the use of extreme violence and terror tactics to send a powerful religio-political messages. These groups tend to justify their actions in religious symbolism and often accept the idea that suffering and death are necessary sacrifices to prove their faith to god and protect their families, societies and nations from an ever closing evil. The fact that violence is justified on the identification â€Å"evil doers† tends to have dehumanizing effect on cert ain peoples that are deemed not worthy of the protection and rights granted by god. This confrontational approach known as â€Å"us VS them† is highly problematic for both sides and could ultimately lead to open confrontation. This can effectively lead to a cosmic war based on religious prophecy and extremism that is capable of causing substantial damage and the violation of basic human rights. Conclusion To conclude, the spread of unsecular religio-political movements represents a problematic development for the stability and peace of the international community. Ever since the fall of the USSR, the United States has used his powerful economic, political military power to create a world according to pluralist and democratic values. However, the growing resistance and influence of religio-political movements around the world has inevitably clashed with the spread of western values and practices. These diverse and complex movements are mostly concerned with reasserting the role of religion in the public sphere. They are highly involved in domestic politics as they attempt to stop secularism and other religions from threatening the cohesiveness of their group. Unsecularization has proven problematic because western policy-makers have chosen to ignore major differences among religio-political movements and have supported violent and repressive regime to oppress them. In addition, unsecul arism presents a challenge domestically for religiously diverse countries because they seek to impose dominant religious practices publicly over others. Furthermore, unsecularism tends to encourage religious groups that embrace millenarian traditions to satanize their political enemies which dialogue unlikely making war, a real possibility.

Sunday, August 4, 2019

Is Export oriented industrialization indispensable for economic growth

Is Export oriented industrialization indispensable for economic growth INTRODUCTION One of the key indicators, of economic development of a country, is its level of industrialization. That is, as many empirical investigations proved the main reason for increased divergence in living standards between the advanced countries and the developing countries is their level of industrialization. This being the fact, it is only after decolonization and end of world War II that, developing countries consciously adopted industrialization strategies for economic development purposes and as a solution, from their vulnerable dependence on export of few primary products and import of high valued manufactured goods (Brisbane, 1980). The low terms of trade in international market for primary goods from former colonies and the determination to get out of severe poverty and register sustained growth, were the main reasons for the diversification of the narrow structure of the colonial economy. Industrialization is beneficial for developing countries for many reasons including the following (i) it reduces their vulnerable dependence; (ii) it speeds up their economic growth process; (iii) it modernize the economy through spill over or externalities effects associated with industrialization, from advanced countries; (iv) create more employment for the vast population in rural agricultural sector and accelerate income growth which is used as a means to re-distribute income to the impoverished masses; and (v) generate more foreign currency through export which reduces balance of payment problems (Brisbane, 1980). As Brisbane explained, to industrialize, developing countries adopted import substitution strategies from about 1945 to the 1970s. Import substitution strategy is designed to produce few luxury consumer goods for domestic consumption behind a very high tariff wall. However, most countries which followed the import substitution strategy failed, to meet the goal of industrialization, while spectacular growth and development was reported from developing countries that pursued an export oriented strategy, in the 1970s. Defined simply, export-oriented Industrialization (EOI) often termed as export led industrialization (ELI) is a policy designed for the purpose of speeding up the industrialization process of a country through exporting goods for which the nation has a comparative advantage. This policy requires countries to open up their domestic market to foreign competition in return to getting access to international market. In order to promote EOI and ultimately economic development, complementary policies in relation to tariffs, trade, exchange rate, and others need to be adopted and employed. This paper will critically examine how export oriented industrialization is essential for economic growth in developing countries, if it can be backed up by appropriate policies on trade, industrial policy and exchange rate policy, geared for that purpose. The paper also argues that export oriented industrialization has its own drawbacks. Thus, the essay is structured as follows: In section 2, It the paper analyses the significance of policies on the functioning of EOI, particularly: trade policy, industrial policy and exchange rate policy that developing countries need to adopt and identifies areas where government intervention is needed to bring economic development. It then explains the drawbacks of export oriented industrialization, on export dependence countries, in Section 3. Then section 4, empirically examines how EOI contributes to economic development and the conclusions are presented in section 5. 2. Significance of Policies on EOI The role of complementary policies for effectiveness of export oriented industrialization is undeniable. This paper focuses mainly on how trade, industrial and exchange rate policies can support EOI policy. 2.1 Trade policy: Appropriate trade policy is one of the key tools used for effective of export oriented industrialization and for economic development, in general. That is, the better trade policy a country has, the better chance it has for industrial diversification, creating value added products and getting more income from export. Theoretical context: Even if, there has been little consensus on the relationship between trade and short- to medium -term economic growth-and even less on its role in long term economic development. The principle of comparative advantage, which prescribe countries to specialize as to their factor endowment, first described by David Ricardo, forms the theoretical basis for traditional trade theory and provides the rationale for free trade. The principle states that even if a country produced all goods more cheaply than other countries, it would benefit by specializing in the export of its relatively cheapest good (or the good in which it has a comparative advantage)(Murray Gibbs 2007, p. 10). And some classical economists believed that the principal base for this principle is the difference in factor endowments among countries determine the relative cost of production. However, this traditional theory from classical economists has been challenged as it doesnt explain well the actual trade patterns and as the theory has unrealistic assumptions, like perfect competition, full employment etc (Murray Gibbs 2007). In addition to the unrealistic assumptions, in real situations the theory favors advanced countries, and developing countries hardly benefit anything from it. The controversial Singer Prebisch thesis, also explained this situation by stating that it is the center that gets all the benefits of international trade while the periphery gets nothing, which opposes to the Ricardian Theory of Comparative Advantage. He argued: given the differences in the existing economic, productive and labor market structures between the periphery and the center (in the application of technology in traded goods and in the market structures; oligopoly vs. competitive) less-developed countries cannot benefit from international market, if they adopt comparative advan tage doctrine (Todaro and Smith 2009).This is because developing countries usually produce and export primary products which have lower terms of trade. And the scope for diversification is too narrow, and these conditions put developing countries to have vulnerable dependence on international market. Thus, unlike the classical economists static comparative advantage doctrine, dynamic comparative advantage is a better option for developing countries. This is because as more innovation, technology, capital, and other requirements for industrializations are met and as industrialization happens in developing countries, it will be easier to diversify their economic structure, as manufactured goods have better terms of trade than primary products. Skarstein (2007) in his paper Free Trade: A Dead End for Underdeveloped Economies,criticized the comparative advantage doctrine. He argued, what matters most in international trade is the absolute advantage that countries get out of it than a comparative advantage. And empirical evidences show that the doctrines of comparative advantage and free trade benefit the advanced countries only. This is mainly because the doctrines are likely to exclude international learning among countries. Particularly, the WTO agreement, Trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS), which is a big challenge developing countries to acquire technology, skill and international learning from the rest of the world. He also argued, for a trade policy to function effectively, developing countries have to make sure that, this policy is well integrated with their industrial policy. And in addition to these, developing countries have to get support from advanced countries, through reduced import tariffs for goods from developing countries and by giving developing countries a chance to protect their industries and to get easy access to international market. He also stressed that, developing countries have to ensure that food security is maintained in their countries, as it keeps them safe from their foreign account, balance of payment problems as well. Thus, governments of developing countries have to protect agricultural production for consumption. Therefore, while designing policies, developing countries have to consider the dynamic comparative advantage or absolute advantage options. In addition to this, they also have to consider how their economic integration to the world economy should be in support of EOI. 2.2 Industrial policy: A proper industrial policy is also another important tool for effective export oriented industrialization, as a countrys industrialization depends on how individual domestic firms are protected. This is because, it is individual firms that innovate and harness technological change and compete in the world market (Suranovic, 2002). The basic policy component of industrial policy for developing countries is Infant industry protection. It is a necessary condition, because newly emerging firms in developing countries need some policy to help them grow strong and to safeguard them from intrusion of foreign firms in their market, that have a negative effect on their growth. Infant industries in developing countries can mainly be protected through import tariff mechanism, which reduce imports from the rest of the world and raises demand and production of domestic product. This protection enables the domestic firms to cover their higher production costs and to remain in business. Depending on the nature of the firm, infant industry protection strategy will help the domestic firms to produce efficiently and to be competent in international markets. However, in order to use the infant industry protection policy as a tool for export oriented industrialization, government of developing countries need to have reliable information about what industry to protect, how large the production tariffs need to be and over what period the tariffs will be reduced and eliminated. Because import tariffs have to be gradually reduced and eliminated, to increase efficiency of domestic firms. A complementary policy component to infant industry protection in export oriented industrialization is export promotion. This component stimulates export and allows the infant industry to have access to international market, while Infant industry protection policy allows the new domestic firm to grow strong. For industrial policy to be effective it has to be complemented by competition policy, as some regulations are required for the competition among domestic firms and simultaneously, as there is a need for policy to protect the domestic firms from intrusion of foreign firms in their market. A coherent execution of industrial policy requires a coordinated approach to trade policies. This is because trade policies are designed usually in accordance with a countrys trade negotiations, which include: policies related to investment, tariff, Intellectual property, and others. The effectiveness of tariffs as a tool for industrialization is also linked to the monetary policy framework within which it operates. When the capital account is liberalized control over exchange rates may be lost and the appreciation of exchange rates can obviously undermine export competitiveness and the impact of tariff protection (Murray Gibbs 2007, p. 19). 2.3. Exchange rate policy: The role of exchange rate policy in the success of export oriented industrialization strategy is undeniable. Exchange rate is a policy on the level of exchange rate of a countrys currency. The main challenge in formulating the exchange rate policy is in keeping balance between maintaining exchange rate stability and maintaining export price competitiveness, which requires devaluation. Devaluation increases the value of imports, while it gives options for exporters to choose either to reduce the prices of their products or to keep them as they are, to increase their profit margin. Thus, devaluation, at a cost of higher inflation, enables domestic industries to be competent internationally, by keeping the volume of import down and by raising the volume of export (domestic output) higher. The role of government in controlling inflation, to stabilize the economy is very essential, here. Thus, this phenomenon in addition to supporting the export oriented industrialization process it helps countries to improve their current account balance in Balance of payment problem (Jacob, Atta ; Keith R., Jefferis ; Ita, Mannathoko and Pelani, Siwawa-Ndai 2000) 3. Drawbacks of Export dependence A country is dependent on export, if export constitutes the largest portion of its gross domestic products. However, even if EOI strategy contributes for economic development, the extent to which this strategy is applied has to be considered for various reasons. To mention some of them, as dependency theorists argue: first, export dependent developing countries cause chaos on the long-term economic planning capacity of a nation-state (Barratt-Brown Prebisch) as these countries have little or no control over the market, to allow sustained economic growth through stable revenue. Second, Income from export is not a reliable source for economic development for developing countries. As many of the export oriented industrializations in these countries are owned by multinational corporations, and large portion of revenue from such sources are not repatriated, to be used for re-investment (Jaffee, 1985). 4. Empirical evidence: Skarstein, 2007 paper Free Trade: A Dead End for Underdeveloped Economies, showed the empirical evidences on EOIs contribution for miraculous economic development of the Asian tigers and the now developed countries. It mainly showed the relationship between economic development and effective implementation of infant industries protection policy and export promotion policy. In support of this, it is argued, that many people have argued that Infant industry protection was precisely the industrial development strategy that was pursued by countries like the US and Germany during their rapid industrial development before the turn of the 20th century. Both the US and Germany had high tariffs during their industrial revolution periods. These tariffs helped protect fledgling industries from competition with more efficient firms in Britain and may have been the necessary requirement to stimulate economic growth (Suranovic 2002) Bairoch also analyzed data and concluded that the different the effect of free trade on developed and developing countries is. In all the cases he analyzed, free trade has a positive effect on developed countries while it lets the least developed countries to suffer. He mentioned that United Kingdom registered its fastest growth during the period (1860 1880). In those cases he analyzed, how effective import tariffs for developing countries were in their economic development (Bairoch, 1972, p. 211). In his paper, Skarstein, illustrated, with detailed data how the East Asian tigers used industrialization policy for their economic development. That is: first by implementing a policy of protected import substitution and then, as their industries grow competent, by shifting their industrialization strategy to export oriented industrialization, with a slow reduction of import barriers for industrial good. And, at the same time, how implementing high import protection for their agriculture helped them to maintain food security and helped their success in industrialization The miraculous performance of the East and South East Asian countries during 1970s to 1990s cannot be analyzed without considering the connection between the export -oriented policies and economic growth. In the Newly Industrialized Economies from East and South East Asia, the general macroeconomic policies as well as selective export promotion policies facilitated the high export and economic growth. Following their path China and India also changed their policy stance in favor of export oriented policies and moved on the high growth trajectories. 5. Conclusions: In sum industrialization is a key process for developing countries for economic development. However, as many economists agree, the process of economic development is very complex, as it depends on large number of variables such as political system, socio economic structure, capital accumulation (both physical and human), trade, price fluctuations, and income distribution, and even more on geographical characteristics. As such, while export oriented industrialization contributes to economic growth, it is not necessarily indispensable to the growth and development of developing countries. As explained in this essay, EOI can be one of the key strategies to register economic growth. And in order for it to function effectively it has to be supported by appropriate components of the policy like: infant industry protection strategy, competition policy, export promotion strategy and others. More specifically, it requires well functioning and well integrated macroeconomic policies like: trade policy, industrial policy, exchange rate policy, investment policy, tariff policy and others. Government intervention also plays a key role in making the export oriented industrialization effective for economic development. Examined empirical evidences also reveal that Export-oriented Industrialization was particularly the characteristic of the economic development of the Asian Tigers: Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore in the post World War II period . In addition to Asian Tigers, evidences also tell how EOI strategy contributed for the economic development of US, Germany and others, who are now in developed world category. However, though the role of export oriented industrialization in economic development is undeniable, countries have to also carefully consider its share in the gross domestic product, as larger export dependence has a negative effect on economic growth.

Work Force Education or Literacy Development: Which Road Should Adult Education Take? :: Adult Work Education Job Essays

Work Force Education or Literacy Development: Which Road Should Adult Education Take? The world of work continues to change rapidly. Many workers will need to upgrade their skills and some will need to be retrained for entirely new jobs. Providing educational opportunities to these adult workers will lengthen their productive years and will also benefit the economy by creating a more flexible and more highly trained workforce. (U.S. Department of Education Strategic Plan, 1998-2002, 1997, p. 39) Our democratic institutions depend upon and are sustained by an educated citizenry. While moving from welfare to the workforce and creating economic advancement are valid outcomes of education, democracy demands much more. Democratic life requires critical inquiry, civic participation, and a commitment to the common good. (Auchter 1998, p. 2) During the past few years, the nations economic needs have driven many of the policy discussions within education. At the federal level, Congress has considered and debated bills that would consolidate a number of educational programs--including adult basic education and vocational education--into omnibus work force development and training bills. Provisions for block grants that would allow states greater autonomy and latitude in making decisions about how the funds are used have been included in these proposed acts. None of these education bills has passed, but the debate continues. In 1996, Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. More commonly known as the Welfare Reform Act, this legislation not only created sweeping changes in welfare policies that affected education and training, it also provided block grants that give states greater flexibility (Nathan 1997). A number of states have responded to the move at the federal level toward greater state autonomy and control by merging education, human services, and employment service agencies to create "super agencies" to oversee state work force development efforts, including adult basic education, welfare reform, and vocational education (Jurmo 1996). The increasing emphasis on work force development as a policy goal is bringing to the forefront a continuing debate within the field of adult basic education. Although adults frequently enroll in adult basic education for job-related reasons, the programs themselves have always had broader goals. In an effort to shed light on current perspectives about the goals and purposes of adult basic education, this Digest reviews recent literature and suggests solutions to what frequently becomes an "either-or" debate. The Current Context: Its Impact on Adult Basic Education

Saturday, August 3, 2019

The Case Against Standardized Tests Essay -- Standardized Testing Essa

Standardized testing assesses students, teachers, and the school itself, which puts a great deal of pressure on the students. High scores show that the school is effective in teaching students, while low test scores make teachers and schools look as though they are not teaching the students properly. This is not always the case. There are teachers who do teach students what they need to know to pass the test, but their students are still unprepared. Although teachers try to improve instruction, student performance is still variable to other factors that the school cannot control. Standardized tests cover certain material, which gives teachers something specific to teach. This is helpful, in that it allows teachers to know exactly what to teach. It also sets up a goal for the teachers, which is to get the students to pass. However, this process leaves something to be desired. Because the test is so important to the future of the students, teachers, and school, helping students to pass test becomes the most important part of their schooling. This restricts the educators from teaching students about things that are more important. College is usually next step for students after high school so it would seem logical that high school prepares them for college, but teachers are so busy preparing students for the test that they are not preparing them for the future. Consequently, students arrive at college ill-prepared, with shallow educations (Gitlin). For some students, the time they have in the classroom is not enough for them to grasp the topic. While teachers usually offer a period for students to see them for extra help, some students do not have time for this. Most students have commitments outside of the classroom, such as m... ... the student’s full knowledge of the subject. Many standardized test leave out material that students spent months learning, making the time they spent on this material a total waste (Worthen). Works Cited Evans, Donia. "The Case Against Standardized Tests." The Meridian Star. 24 Nov. 2013. The Meridian Star. 01 Dec. 2013 . Gitlin, Todd. â€Å"TheLiberal Arts in an Age of Info-Glut.† The Language of Composition: Reading, Writing, and Rhetoric. Ed. Shea, Renee H., Lawrence Scanlonn, and Robin Dissin Aufses. Boston: Bedford, 2008. 155-157. Print. Worthen, Blaine R., and Vicki Spandel. "Putting the Standardized Testing Debate in Perspective." Educational Leadership Feb. 1991: 65-69. ASCD. 1 Dec. 2013 .

Friday, August 2, 2019

Hindustani classical music Essay

The tradition was born out of a cultural synthesis of several musical traditions: the Vedic chant tradition, dating back to more than three thousand years ago,the ancient Persian tradition of Musiqi-e assil, and various folk traditions prevalent in the region. It is traditional for performers who have reached a distinguished level of achievement to be awarded titles of respect; Hindus are usually referred to as pandit and Muslims as ustad. An aspect of Hindustani music going back to Sufi times is the tradition of religious neutrality: Muslim ustads may sing compositions in praise of Hindu deities, and vice versa. Around the 12th century, Hindustani classical music diverged from what eventually came to be identified as Carnatic classical music. The central notion in both these systems is that of a melodic mode or raga, sung to a rhythmic cycle or tala. The tradition dates back to the ancient Samaveda, (sÄ ma meaning â€Å"ritual chant†), which deals with the norms for chantin g of srutis or hymns such as the Rig Veda. These principles were refined in the musical treatises Natya Shastra, by Bharata (2nd–3rd century CE), and Dattilam (probably 3rd–4th century CE). In medieval times, the melodic systems were fused with ideas from Persian music, particularly through the influence of Sufi composers like Amir Khusro, and later in the Moghul courts. Noted composers such as Tansen flourished, along with religious groups like the Vaishnavites. After the 16th century, the singing styles diversified into different gharanas patronized in different princely courts. Around 1900, Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande consolidated the musical structures of Hindustani classical music, called ragas, into a number of thaats. Indian classical music has seven basic notes with five interspersed half-notes, resulting in a 12-note scale. Unlike the 12-note scale in Western music, the base frequency of the scale is not fixed, and intertonal gaps (temperament) may also vary; however, with the gradual replacement of the sarangi by the harmonium, an equal tempered scale is increasingly used. The performance is set to a melodic pattern called a raga characterized in part by specific ascent (aroha) and descent (avaroha) sequences, which may not be identical. Other characteristics include â€Å"king† (vadi) and â€Å"queen† (samavadi) notes and characteristic phrases (pakad). In addition each raga has its natural register (ambit) and portamento (meend) rules. Performances are usually marked by considerable improvisation within these norms. History Music was first formalized in India in connection with preserving the sruti texts, primarily the four vedas, which are seen as apaurasheya (meaning â€Å"not created by man†). Not only was the text important, but also the manner in which they had been enunciated by the immortals. Prosody and chanting were thus of great importance, and were enshrined in the two vedangas (bodies of knowledge) called shiksha (pronunciation, chants) and chhandas (prosody); these remained a key part of the brahmanic educational system till modern times. The formal aspects of the chant are delineated in the Samaveda, with certain aspects, e.g. the relation of chanting to meditation, elaborated in the Chandogya Upanishad (ca. 8th century BC). Priests involved in these ritual chants were called samans and a number of ancient musical instruments such as the conch (shankh), lute (veena), flute (bansuri), trumpets and horns were associated with this and later practices of ritual singing. Sanskritic tradition The Samaveda outlined the ritual chants for singing the verses of the Rigveda, particularly for offerings of Soma. It proposed a tonal structure consisting of seven notes, which were named, in descending order, krusht, pratham, dwitiya, tritiya, chaturth, mandra and atiswÄ r. These refer to the notes of a flute, which was the only fixed-frequency instrument. This is why the second note is called pratham (meaning â€Å"first†, i.e., produced when only the first hole is closed). Music is dealt with extensively in the Valmiki Ramayana. Narada is an accomplished musician, as is Ravana; Saraswati with her veena is the goddess of music. Gandharvas are presented as spirits who are musical masters, and the gandharva style looks to music primarily for pleasure, accompanied by the soma rasa. In the Vishnudharmottara Purana, the Naga king Ashvatara asks to know the svaras from Saraswati. The most important text on music in the ancient canon is Bharata’s Natya Shastra, composed a round the 3rd century CE. The Natya Shastra deals with the different modes of music, dance, and drama, and also the emotional responses (rasa) they are expected to evoke. The scale is described in terms of 22 micro-tones, which can be combined in clusters of four, three, or two to form an octave. While the term raga is articulated in the Natya Shastra (where its meaning is more literal, meaning â€Å"colour† or â€Å"mood†), it finds a clearer expression in what is called jati in the Dattilam, a text composed shortly after or around the same time as Natya Shastra. The Dattilam is focused on gandharva music and discusses scales (swara), defining a tonal framework called grama in terms of 22 micro-tonal intervals (sruti[3]) comprising one octave. It also discusses various arrangements of the notes (murchhana), the permutations and combinations of note-sequences (tanas), and alankara or elaboration. Dattilam categorizes melodic structure into 18 groups called jati, which are the fundamental melodic structures similar to the raga. The names of the jatis reflect regional origins, for example andhri and oudichya. Music also finds mention in a number of texts from the Gupta period; Kalidasa mentions several kinds of veena (Parivadini, Vipanchi), as well as percussion instruments (mridang), the flute (vamshi) and conch (shankha). Music also finds mention in Buddhist and Jain texts from the earliest periods of the Christian era. Narada’s Sangita Makarandha treatise, from about 1100 CE, is the earliest text where rules similar to those of current Hindustani classical music can be found. Narada actually names and classifies the system in its earlier form before the Persian influences introduced changes in the system. Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda from the 12th century was perhaps the earliest musical composition sung in the classical tradition called Ashtapadi music. In the 13th century, Sharngadeva composed the Sangita Ratnakara, which has names such as the turushka todi (â€Å"Turkish todi†), revealing an influx of ideas from Islamic culture. This text is the last to be mentioned by both the Carnatic and the Hindustani traditions and is often thought to date the divergence between the two. Medieval period: Persian influence The advent of Islamic rule under the Delhi Sultanate and later the Mughal Empire over northern India caused considerable cultural interchange. Increasingly, musicians received patronage in the courts of the new rulers, who in their turn, started taking increasing interest in local music forms. While the initial generations may have been rooted in cultural traditions outside India, they gradually adopted many aspects from their kingdoms which retained the traditional Hindu culture. This helped spur the fusion of Hindu and Muslim ideas to bring forth new forms of musical synthesis like qawwali and khyal. The most influential musician of the Delhi Sultanate period was Amir Khusrau (1253–1325), sometimes called the father of modern Hindustani classical music.[4] A composer in Persian, Turkish, Arabic, as well as Braj Bhasha, he is credited with systematizing many aspects of Hindustani music, and also introducing several ragas such as Yaman Kalyan, Zeelaf and Sarpada. He created the qawwali genre, which fuses Persian melody and beat on a dhrupad like structure. A number of instruments (such as the sitar and tabla) were also introduced in his time. Amir Khusrau is sometimes credited with the origins of the khyal form, but the record of his compositions do not appear to support this. The compositions by the court musician Sadarang in the court of Muhammad Shah bear a closer affinity to the modern khyal. They suggest that while khyal already existed in some form, Sadarang may have been the father of modern khyal. Much of the musical forms innovated by these pioneers merged with the Hindu tradition, composed in the popular language of the people (as opposed to Sanskrit) in the work of composers like Kabir or Nanak. This can be seen as part of a larger Bhakti tradition, (strongly related to the Vaishnavite movement) which remained influential across several centuries; notable figures include Jayadeva (11th century), Vidyapati (fl. 1375 CE), Chandidas ( 14th–15th century), and Meerabai (1555–1603 CE). As the Mughal Empire came into closer contact with Hindus, especially under Jalal ud-Din Akbar, music and dance also flourished. In particular, the musician Tansen introduced a number of innovations, including ragas and particular compositions. Legend has it that upon his rendition of a night-time raga in the morning, the entire city fell under a hush and clouds gathered in the sky, and that he could light fires by singing the raga â€Å"Deepak†, which is supposed to be composed of notes in high octaves. At the royal house of Gwalior, Raja Mansingh Tomar (1486–1516 CE) also participated in the shift from Sanskrit to the local idiom (Hindi) as the language for classical songs. He himself penned several volumes of compositions on religious and secular themes, and was also responsible for the major compilation, the Mankutuhal (â€Å"Book of Curiosity†), which outlined the major forms of music prevalent at the time. In particular, the musical form known as dhrupad saw considerable development in his court and remained a strong point of the Gwalior gharana for many centuries. After the dissolution of the Mughal empire, the patronage of music continued in smaller princely kingdoms like Lucknow, Patiala, and Banaras, giving rise to the diversity of styles that is today known as gharanas. Many musician families obtained large grants of land which made them self sufficient, at least for a few generations (e.g. the Sham Chaurasia gharana). Meanwhile the Bhakti and Sufi traditions continued to develop and interact with the different gharanas and groups. Modern era Until the late 19th century, Hindustani classical music was imparted on a one-on-one basis through the guru-shishya (â€Å"mentor-protà ©gà ©Ã¢â‚¬ ) tradition. This system had many benefits, but also several drawbacks; in many cases, the shishya had to spend most of his time serving his guru with a hope that the guru might teach him a â€Å"cheez† (piece or nuance) or two. In addition, the system forced the music to be limited to a small subsection of the Indian community. To a large extent it was limited to the palaces and dance halls. It was shunned by the intellectuals, avoided by the educated middle class, and in general looked down upon as a frivolous practice.[5] Then a fortunate turn of events started the renaissance of Hindustani classical music. First, as the power of the maharajahs and nawabs declined in early 20th century, so did their patronage. With the expulsion of Wajid Ali Shah to Calcutta after 1857, the Lucknavi musical tradition came to influence the mus ic of renaissance in Bengal, giving rise to the tradition of Ragpradhan gan around the turn of the century. Also, at the turn of the century, two great stars emerged on the horizon: Vishnu Digambar Paluskar and Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande. Independent of each other, they spread Hindustani classical music to the masses in general, and the Marathi middle class in particular. These two gentlemen brought classical music to the masses by organizing music conferences, starting schools, teaching music in class-rooms, and devising a standardized grading and testing system, and by standardizing the notation system.[6] Vishnu Digambar Paluskar emerged as a talented musician and organizer despite having been blinded at age 12. His books on music, as well as the Gandharva Mahavidyalaya music school that he opened in Lahore in 1901, helped foster a movement away from the closed gharana system. Paluskar’s contemporary (and occasional rival) Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande recognized the many rifts that had appeared in the structure of Indian classical music. He undertook extensive research visits to a large number of gharanas, Hindustani as well as Carnatic, collecting and comparing compositions. Between 1909 and 1932, he produced the monumental four-volume work Hindustani Sangeetha Padhathi,[7] which suggested a transcription for Indian music, and described the ma ny traditions in this notation. Finally,mit consolidated the many musical forms of Hindustani classical music into a number of thaats (modes), subsequent to the Melakarta system that reorganized Carnatic tradition in the 17th century. The ragas as they exist today were consolidated in this landmark work, although there are some inconsistencies and ambiguities in Bhatkande’s system. In modern times, the government-run All India Radio, Bangladesh Betar and Radio Pakistan helped to bring the artists to public attention, countering the loss of the patronage system. The first star was Gauhar Jan, whose career was born out of Fred Gaisberg’s first recordings of Indian music in 1902. With the advance of films and other public media, musicians started to make their living through public performances. As India was exposed to Western music, some Western melodies started merging with classical forms, especially in popular music. A number of Gurukuls, such as that of Alauddin Khan at Maihar, flourished. In more modern times, corporate support has also been forthcoming, as at the ITC Sangeet Research Academy. Meanwhile, Hindustani classical music has become popular across the world through the influence of artists such as Ravi Shankar and Ali Akbar Khan. Principles of Hindustani music The rhythmic organization is based on rhythmic patterns called tala. The melodic foundations are called ragas. One possible classification of ragas is into â€Å"melodic modes† or â€Å"parent scales†, known as thaats, under which most ragas can be classified based on the notes they use. Thaats may consist of up to seven scale degrees, or swara. Hindustani musicians name these pitches using a system called Sargam, the equivalent of the Western movable do solfege: Sa (Shadaj) = Do Re (Rishab) = Re Ga (Gandhar) = Mi Ma (Madhyam) = Fa Pa (Pancham) = So Dha (Dhaivat) = La Ni (Nishad) = Ti Sa (Shadaj) = Do Both systems repeat at the octave. The difference between sargam and solfege is that re, ga, ma, dha, and ni can refer to either â€Å"Natural† (shuddha) or altered â€Å"Flat† (komal) or â€Å"Sharp† (tivra) versions of their respective scale degrees. As with movable do solfege, the notes are heard relative to an arbitrary tonic that varies from performance to performance, rather than to fixed frequencies, as on a xylophone. The fine intonational differences between different instances of the same swara are called srutis. The three primary registers of Indian classical music are mandra (lower), madhya (middle) and taar (upper). Since the octave location is not fixed, it is also possible to use provenances in mid-register (such as mandra-madhya or madhya-taar) for certain ragas. A typical rendition of Hindustani raga involves two stages: Alap: a rhythmically free improvisation on the rules for the raga in order to give life to the raga and flesh out its character istics. The alap is followed by a long slow-tempo improvisation in vocal music, or by the jod and jhala in instrumental music. Bandish or Gat: a fixed, melodic composition set in a specific raga, performed with rhythmic accompaniment by a tabla or pakhavaj. There are different ways of systematizing the parts of a composition. For example: Sthaayi: The initial, rondo phrase or line of a fixed, melodic composition. Antara: The first body phrase or line of a fixed, melodic composition. Sanchaari: The third body phrase or line of a fixed, melodic composition, seen more typically in dhrupad bandishes Aabhog: The fourth and concluding body phrase or line of a fixed, melodic composition, seen more typically in Dhrupad bandishes. There are three variations of bandish, regarding tempo: Vilambit bandish: A slow and steady melodic composition, usually in largo to adagio speeds. Madhyalaya bandish: A medium tempo melodic competition, usually set in andante to allegretto speeds. Drut bandish: A fast tempo melodic composition, usually set to allegretto speed or faster. Hindustani classical music is primarily vocal-centric, insofar as the musical forms were designed primarily for vocal performance, and many instruments were designed and evaluated as to how well they emulate the human voice. Types of compositions The major vocal forms or styles associated with Hindustani classical music are dhrupad, khyal, and tarana. Other forms include dhamar, trivat, chaiti, kajari, tappa, tap-khyal, ashtapadis, thumri, dadra, ghazal and bhajan; these are folk or semi-classical or light classical styles, as they often do not adhere to the rigorous rules of classical music. Dhrupad Main article: Dhrupad Dhrupad is an old style of singing, traditionally performed by male singers. It is performed with a tambura and a pakhawaj as instrumental accompaniments. The lyrics, some of which were written in Sanskrit centuries ago, are presently often sung in brajbhasha, a medieval form of North and East Indian languages that was spoken in Eastern India. The rudra veena, an ancient string instrument, is used in instrumental music in dhrupad. Dhrupad music is primarily devotional in theme and content. It contains recitals in praise of particular deities. Dhrupad compositions begin with a relatively long and acyclic alap, where the syllables of the following mantra is recited: â€Å"Om Anant tam Taran Tarini Twam Hari Om Narayan, Anant Hari Om Narayan†. The alap gradually unfolds into more rhythmic jod and jhala sections. These sections are followed by a rendition of bandish, with the pakhawaj as an accompaniment. The great Indian musician Tansen sang in the dhrupad style. A lighter form of dhrupad, called dhamar, is sung primarily during the festival of Holi. Dhrupad was the main form of northern Indian classical music until two centuries ago, when it gave way to the somewhat less austere khyal, a more free-form style of singing. Since losing its main patrons among the royalty in Indian princely states, dhrupad risked becoming extinct in the first half of the twentieth century. However, the efforts by a few proponents from the Dagar family have led to its revival and eventual popularization in India and in the West. Some of the best known vocalists who sing in the Dhrupad style are the members of the Dagar lineage, including the senior Dagar brothers, Nasir Moinuddin and Nasir Aminuddin Dagar; the junior Dagar brothers, Nasir Zahiruddin and Nasir Faiyazuddin Dagar; and Wasifuddin, Fariduddin, and Sayeeduddin Dagar. Other leading exponents include the Gundecha Brothers, who have received training from some of the Dagars. Leading vocalists outside the Dagar lineage include the Mallik family of Darbhanga tradition of musicians; some of the leading exponents of this tradition were Ram Chatur Mallick, Siyaram Tiwari, and Vidur Mallick. A section of dhrupad singers of Delhi Gharana from Mughal emperor Shah Jahan’s court migrated to Bettiah under the patronage of the Bettiah Raj, giving rise to the Bettiah Gharana.[8] Bishnupur Gharana, based in West Bengal, is a key school that has been propagating this style of singing since Mughal times. Khyal Main article: Khyal Khyal is a Hindustani form of vocal music, adopted from medieval Persian music and based on Dhrupad. Khyal, literally meaning â€Å"thought† or â€Å"imagination† in Hindustani, is unusual as it is based on improvising and expressing emotion. A Khyal is a two- to eight-line lyric set to a melody. The lyric is of an emotional account possibly from poetic observation.[clarification needed] Khyals are also popular for depicting the emotions between two lovers, situations of ethological significance in Hinduism and Islam, or other situations evoking intense feelings. Th importance of the Khyal’s content is for the singer to depict, through music in the set raga, the emotional significance of the Khyal. The singer improvises and finds inspiration within the raga to depict the Khyal. The origination of Khyal is controversial, although it is accepted that this style was based on Dhrupad and influenced by Persian music. Many argue that Amir Khusrau created the style in the late 16th century. This form was popularized by Mughal Emperor Mohammad Shah, through his court musicians. Some well-known composers of this period were Sadarang, Adarang, and Manrang. [edit]Tarana Main article: Tarana Another vocal form, taranas are medium- to fast-paced songs that are used to convey a mood of elation and are usually performed towards the end of a concert. They consist of a few lines of poetry with soft syllables or bols set to a tune. The singer uses these few lines as a basis for fast improvisation. The tillana of Carnatic music is based on the tarana, although the former is primarily associated with dance. Tappa Main article: Tappa Tappa is a form of Indian semi-classical vocal music whose specialty is its rolling pace based on fast, subtle, knotty construction. It originated from the folk songs of the camel riders of Punjab and was developed as a form of classical music by Mian Ghulam Nabi Shori or Shori Mian, a court singer for Asaf-Ud-Dowlah, the Nawab of Awadh. â€Å"Nidhubabur Tappa†, or tappas sung by Nidhu Babu were very popular in 18th and 19th-century Bengal. Among the living performers of this style are Laxmanrao Pandit, Shamma Khurana, Manvalkar, Girija Devi, Ishwarchandra Karkare, and Jayant Khot. Thumri Main article: Thumri Thumri is a semi-classical vocal form said to have begun in Uttar Pradesh with the court of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, (r. 1847–1856). There are three types of thumri: poorab ang, Lucknavi and Punjabi thumri. The lyrics are typically in a proto-Hindi language called Brij Bhasha and are usually romantic. Some recent performers of this genre are Abdul Karim Khan, the brothers Barkat Ali Khan and Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, Begum Akhtar, Girija Devi, Beauty Sharma Barua, Nazakat-Salamat Ali Khan, Prabha Atre, Siddheshwari Devi, and Shobha Gurtu. Ghazal Main article: Ghazal Ghazal is an originally Persian form of poetry. In the Indian sub-continent, Ghazal became the most common form of poetry in the Urdu language and was popularized by classical poets like Mir Taqi Mir, Ghalib, Daagh, Zauq and Sauda amongst the North Indian literary elite. Vocal music set to this mode of poetry is popular with multiple variations across Iran, Afghanistan, Central Asia, Turkey, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Ghazal exists in multiple variations, including semi-classical, folk and pop forms. Instrumental music The Royal Musicians of Hindustan circa 1910: Ali Khan, Inayat Khan, Musheraff Khan and Maheboob Khan Although Hindustani music clearly is focused on the vocal performance, instrumental forms have existed since ancient times. In fact, in recent decades, especially outside South Asia, instrumental Hindustani music is more popular than vocal music, partly due to a somewhat different style and faster tempo, and partly because of a language barrier for the lyrics in vocal music. A number of musical instruments are associated with Hindustani classical music. The veena, a string instrument, was traditionally regarded as the most important, but few play it today and it has largely been superseded by its cousins the sitar and the sarod, both of which owe their origin to Persian influences. Other plucked or struck string instruments include the surbahar, sursringar, santoor, and various versions of the slide guitar. Among bowed instruments, the sarangi, esraj and violin are popular. The bansuri, shehnai and harmonium are important wind instruments. In the percussion ensemble, the tabla and the pakhavaj are the most popular. Various other instruments have also been used in varying degrees.

Thursday, August 1, 2019

Hip Mask Representing An Iyoba Essay

The exquisiteness of the material and the sophistication of the carving indicate that it was created by the exclusive guild of royal ivory carvers for the king. This exquisite piece is made out of ivory, iron and cooper. This piece also contains pieces of inlaid metal and elaborate coral carvings. The piece dimensions are as followed; H. 9 3/8 x W. 5 x D. 3 1/4 in. (23. 8 x 12. 7 x 8. 3 cm). The mask is a sensitive human idealized portrait, depicting its subject with softly modeled features. This piece is framed with an elegant tiara-like coiffure and openwork collar. The pupils were inlaid with iron metal, the forehead has carved scarification marks and also she is wearing bands of coral beads below the chin. In the necklace you can see miniature motifs that represent heads of the Portuguese soldiers depicted with beards and flowing hair. In the crown tiara-like coiffure are carved more Portuguese heads alternated with figures of stylized mudfish, which symbolizes Olokun, the Lord of the Great Waters. You can see that some of the necklace portion is damage or missing and this could be due to the age and fragility of the coral. This piece is from early African art also known as â€Å"Queen Mother Pendant Mask: Iyoba†. Today, you can find this piece at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Although images of women are very rare this piece has come to symbolize the legacy of a dynasty that continues to the present day. In many of the African cultures the head is a very important, powerful and symbolic piece. The head was consider to be the symbolic center of a person’s intelligence, wisdom, and ability to succeed in this world and/or to be a tool to be able to communicate with spiritual forces in the ancestral world. In Art of History, published in 2011, both Professor Marilyn Stokstad and Michael W. Cothren claim that â€Å"one of the honorifics used for the king is the â€Å"Great Head†. The head leads the body as the king leads the people. All of the memorial heads include representation of coral-beaded caps, necklaces and royal costume. Coral, enclosing the head and displayed on the body, is still the ultimate symbol of the oba’s power and authority. † In an article titled â€Å"Iyoba Idia: The Hidden Oba Of Benin† published in 2006, issue 9 of Jenda: A Journal Of Culture And African Women Studies – Nkiru Nzegwu wrote â€Å"Iron and copper inserts were embedded in these cavities in the original model and formed part of the decoration. Some have claimed that these cavities were receptacles for embedded magical potions, and there is a historical explanation for them. The striations were the result of incisions a local doctor-diviner made to disfigure Idia and render her unattractive to Oba Ozolua. As narrated by the present Oba Erediauwa, Idia’s parents did not wish her to become an Oba’s wife, and the oracle they consulted advised that they mar her beauty to make her ugly to the Oba (Kaplan 1993, 59). The two incisions not only scarred her face but, to make assurance double sure, they also contained potent medicinal potions which the consulting physician-diviner had assured them would repel Oba Ozolua. The royal explanation is that the plan failed because the Oba sensed that something was wrong before he even saw Idia and quickly neutralized the effects of the medicine. † This is a pendant or ornament mask that represents an iyoba (queen mother-the oba’s mother), the senior female member of the royal court. It’s believed that this piece was produced in the early sixteenth century for the King or â€Å"Oba† Esigie, the king of Benin, who ruled from 1504 to 1550. This piece is to honor his mother, Idia. There are different versions of the purpose of this piece. The most common ones is that this was used a as belt ornament and it was worn at the oba’s hip. The Oba may have worn it at rites commemorating his mother, although today such pendants are worn at annual ceremonies of spiritual renewal and purification. Esigie had the support of Ida and the Portuguese soldiers in the expansion of his kingdom. Ida is remembered for raising an army and using magical powers to help her son Esigie to defeat his enemies.